In addition to being the preeminent pro-abortion think-tank, the Guttmacher Institute’s primary assignment (besides feeding the Media Machine) would appear to be playing the role of Chicken Little. Take this lead from yesterday’s “2022 State Legislative Sessions: Abortion Bans and Restrictions on Medication Abortion Dominate”:
In 2021, state legislatures set an alarming record of 108 abortion restrictions enacted in 19 states.
Sounds awful, from the pro-abortion perspective. What about this year? Elizabeth Nash, Lauren Cross Joerg Dreweke tell us
With the fate of Roe v. Wade hanging in the balance at the US Supreme Court, 2022 is shaping up to be even more devastating for abortion rights and access. Already, a number of state bills have grabbed headlines for proposing outrageous and shocking abortion restrictions.
They begin with what they consider the most “shocking” proposals which we will not spend time on because Guttmacher doesn’t. Instead, Nash, Cross, and Dreweke, write
While these measures are attracting media coverage, often they are not the main focus of anti-abortion policymakers, but pull attention away from other abortion restrictions and bans that are moving quickly through some state legislatures. Moreover, these types of headline-baiting restrictions can make other devastating provisions, such as Texas-style bans or gestational age bans, seem less radical and harmful than they really are.
We’ve written many times about Texas’s Heartbeat Law. To this date it has rebuffed numerous challenges both at the Texas Supreme Court and the United States Supreme Court. Under SB 8, abortions may not be performed after the unborn child’s heartbeat is detectable, generally around the sixth week of pregnancy.
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“Gestational age bans” are laws, such as Mississippi’s “Gestational Age Act,” which protect unborn babies after a certain point, usually 15 weeks. This is a popular demarcation for many reasons, including that the Supreme Court heard oral arguments on Mississippi’s law (Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health) on December 1.
Guttmacher also classifies “trigger laws” under this heading. These are laws that will take effect when the Supreme Court overturns Roe and returns abortion policies to the states.
The other category that assumes much of Guttmacher’s attention are chemical abortions which now account for more than half of the abortions performed in the United States. “Medication abortion has become a primary target of anti-abortion politicians and activists seeking to restrict care in and out of clinical settings,” Nash, Cross, and Dreweke write, “Anti-abortion state policymakers have shown they are focused on further restricting access to medication abortion this year.”
Ah, yes. In spite of all assurances, these abortions are many times more dangerous than surgical abortions. Why wouldn’t we be concerned?
Discounting its overwhelming pro-abortion bias, there is valuable information in this report.
LifeNews.com Note: Dave Andrusko is the editor of National Right to Life News and an author and editor of several books on abortion topics. This post originally appeared in at National Right to Life News Today —- an online column on pro-life issues.