We are a country split right down the middle. Half of America believes Joe Biden was fairly elected president of the United States, while the rest of us are convinced President Trump won the election but that it was stolen from him (and us).
There is too much evidence to ignore, too many anomalies to explain and too many questions that nobody has been able to answer.
These unanswered questions were the bedrock of a lawsuit brought by the state of Texas to the Supreme Court, which in turn declined to hear the case. But that decision, whether based on fear, political calculation, or strictly procedural concerns, was not a rejection of the arguments or an answer to the questions raised by the lawsuit. It was precisely a decision not to address the questions, which indeed needed to be asked and still demand answers.
“Our Country stands at an important crossroads. Either the Constitution matters and must be followed, even when some officials consider it inconvenient or out of date, or it is simply a piece of parchment on display at the National Archives. We ask the Court to choose the former,” Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton wrote in the case he brought against four crucial states in the 2020 election – Michigan, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Georgia.
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Here are just a few of the unanswered questions raised by the evidence expressed in this case, in multiple hearings, and in hundreds of affidavits.
- Why in Pennsylvania were there 9,005 mailed ballots received with no dated postmark, 58,221 received before the stamped postmark, and 51,200 received one day after the day they were postmarked and ostensibly mailed? That’s 118,426 questionable votes in a state where Biden received 81,660 more votes than President Trump.
- Why in Michigan, in a clear deviation from state election law, were absentee ballot applications sent to all 7.7 million registered voters? Democrats in the state ended up voting by mail by a margin of 2 to 1 over Republicans.
- Also in Michigan, in Wayne County – which includes the city of Detroit – why did election officials make a “conscious and express policy decision” not to follow state law on allowing poll watchers and inspectors to observe the opening, counting and recording of absentee ballots?
- Why in Wisconsin, in violation of state election law, were 500 unstaffed ballot “drop boxes” set up in major cities where the majority of registered voters are Democrats?
- Why were 70,000 absentee ballots in Wisconsin distributed that lacked the legally required applications?
- With millions more mail-in ballots in this election, what accounts for the fact that the rejection rate for those ballots was so abnormally low in multiple key states?
- What were the boxes full of ballots in Georgia stored underneath a table and why were they only taken out and counted after poll watchers were told to leave?
- Why were windows boarded up in Michigan to prevent observers from seeing what was happening during the count?
- Why did a truck driver deliver 300,000 New York ballots to Pennsylvania? What were these ballots, why were they crossing state lines, and on whose authority?
- Why would a machine “glitch” cause nearly 6,000 ballots to be counted for Biden when they were clearly marked for Trump?
These and many other irregularities have been spelled out in the lawsuit and in the Navarro Report. And while I’ve heard some Democrat politicians and their media mouthpieces admit there might have been some fraud in the election, they still think that Trump supporters should just get over it. But as one of my staff pointed out this week, if anyone received a credit card bill clearly showing fraudulent charges, even just a few dollars, they would demand the company fix the mistake.
But we’re not even looking at a small amount of fraud; we’re talking about hundreds of thousands of ballots that totally dwarf the Biden margin of “victory” in the key states.
The Supreme Court refused to hear this case, saying that Texas did not have standing to bring the suit. But if somebody manufactures false ballots, or destroys good ones, that disenfranchises each of us; it’s just the same as if someone at the polling place, absent a valid reason, were to prevent me from voting at all.
As the Texas case states, “By these unlawful acts, Defendant States have not only tainted the integrity of their own citizens’ votes, but their actions have also debased the votes of citizens in the States that remained loyal to the Constitution.”
Our fight isn’t over. Many citizens, myself included, are urging Senators and members of the House to object to the Electoral College votes from the disputed states when they are received by Congress on Jan. 6.
But even if time runs out and Biden is inaugurated on Jan. 20, we must – and will — continue to demand answers to these unanswered questions.
If we let this go, if we chalk it up to the capricious nature of politics, we fail our nation. This is a 1776 moment. What we are fighting for is our freedom, which takes concrete form in the protection of our sacred vote. Those who tell us to “move on” seem ignorant to the fact that the nation to which we would move on would be one where our Constitution – a radical, audacious document that has been the foundation of our country for 233 years – would be “simply a piece of parchment on display in the National Archives.”
